1986: The Untold Story – Vaccine Deception – Dr. Joseph Mercola

In the video above, Del Bigtree with The Highwire interviews Barbara Loe Fisher, cofounder and president of the National Vaccine Information Center (NVIC), about the National Childhood Vaccine Injury Act of 1986 (NCVIA), which she pioneered. Unfortunately, the law has not lived up to its initial purpose, and has instead allowed the drug industry to become the most influential industry on earth.

In this interview, Fisher tells the untold, behind-the-scenes story of how this law came into being, how it has been bastardized, and “the betrayal that paved the way for vaccine manufacturers to secure immunity from liability for their products, opening the door for the complete capture of the agencies charged with regulating the vaccine industry and protecting the public trust.”¹

Who’s Liable for Vaccine Injuries?

As I’ve reported on numerous occasions over the past four years, the COVID-19 mRNA shots are the most dangerous “vaccines” ever rolled out. Who’s paying the medical expenses incurred by the hundreds of thousands of Americans injured by these shots?²

Common sense might tell you it ought to be the vaccine manufacturer, but you’d be wrong. As noted by Ken Paxton, attorney general of Texas, they have “special protection through the federal government.”

This liability protection was granted because the insurance industry argued they were too dangerous to insure, and the drug companies threatened to stop making vaccines altogether unless they were protected from lawsuits.

So, the truth is, no one can be held liable for vaccine injuries in a U.S. court of law — not the manufacturer, not the distributors or the medical providers, and not the government, even when it mandates the shots. And that’s precisely the predicament that the NCVIA was supposed to prevent.

The NCVIA, passed into law in 1986, established a federal “no-fault” system to compensate victims injured by mandated childhood vaccines. In her 1985 book, “DPT: A Shot in the Dark,” coauthored with medical historian Harris Coulter, Ph.D., Fisher details the struggle to get the NCVIA passed.

Her son was 2.5 years old when he had a bad reaction to his third DPT vaccine, ultimately resulting in his being diagnosed with mild brain damage, multiple learning disabilities, ADD, dyslexia, fine motor skill delay and severe auditory processing deficit. In the interview, she details what his initial reactions looked like, how they started and how they progressed.

His injury is what drove her to become an advocate for vaccine injured children, and to push for legal protections. As explained by Fisher, the bill was originally intended to not only help children damaged by vaccines with their lifelong medical expenses, but also to “institute safety reforms in the mass vaccination system” to “prevent future vaccine damage.”

“When parents don’t have the right to say no to vaccines that are highly reactive, we have no way of putting economic pressure on the system to bring in a safer product,” she says.

“Parents ought to have the option to become fully informed about the vaccine and the disease, and then make a choice, including choosing whether or not their child will have the disease and have permanent immunity versus temporary immunity.

Parents have got to take responsibility for making these decisions in conjunction with their doctor … Obviously, the system has failed us and we have to take responsibility, become educated, and then in the end, we have to make that decision, and live with that decision. I believe that a society that has mandated a vaccine has the responsibility to provide for these children who have given their lives.”

How the NCVIA Came To Be

Some politicians are now proposing getting rid of the NCVIA altogether, but this would be a serious mistake, Fisher says. But why? It’s clearly not working, so why not get rid of it, and with it the legal protections enjoyed by the vaccine manufacturers? Fisher explains:

“There’s a lot of myth that has grown up around that Act and what it really was, what it was intended to be; what happened. So I welcome the opportunity to set the record straight.”

Fisher tells the story of how she ended up meeting two other parents — Kathi Williams and Jeff Schwartz — whose children were severely damaged by the DPT vaccine and how they joined forces to lobby for the creation of a bill that would protect children from the horrors they’d experienced first-hand.

Williams was in charge of organization, Schwartz, an environmental law attorney, negotiated with representatives on the Hill, and Fisher was a medical writer. The trio first met in April 1982, and within weeks, they agreed that there needed to be a congressional investigation, as there was no oversight on vaccine safety whatsoever.

“The first thing we wanted [was] a safer pertussis vaccine … a purified pertussis vaccine, because I already had found out from the literature that Japan had been using a purified acellular pertussis vaccine for a couple of years … and it was far less reactive than the whole cell pertussis vaccine.

We wanted information given to parents by doctors that would tell them how to recognize a vaccine reaction. We wanted the doctors to have to write down, in the child’s medical record, the manufacturer’s name, lot number, any reactions that occurred … We wanted research done to look into creating safer vaccines and finding out why some kids are vulnerable to vaccine reactions.”

Vaccine Makers Demand Liability Protections in Wake of Lawsuits

Democrat congressman Dan Mica, whose nephews had reacted to the DPT shot and were severely brain injured, and Republican Sen. Paula Hawkins, known for her interest in child health, held the congressional hearings. In all, there were more than a dozen hearings during the 4.5 years that the bill was being negotiated, and Fisher, Williams and Schwartz testified at most of them.

The 1982 documentary “DPT: Vaccine Roulette” had sent shockwaves through the country, awakening parents to the idea that childhood vaccines may not be safe. The congressional hearings added fuel to the fire, and parents were lining up to sue the makers of DPT vaccines.

The vaccine makers approached Congress saying they were being ruined by all these lawsuits and threatened to stop making childhood vaccines for sale in the U.S. unless they were granted liability protections.

“Here’s how it happened,” Fisher says. “The vaccine stakeholders, that would be medical trade, that would be [American] Academy of Pediatrics and the vaccine manufacturers. At that point, there were four vaccine manufacturers in this country. Wyeth, Lederle, and Connaught were producing DPT vaccine. Lederle was a sole source for oral polio vaccine. Merck was a sole source of MMR vaccine. [There were] seven vaccines.

Just so people know, Lederle is now part of Pfizer. Connaught is now part of Sanofi, Wyeth is now part of Pfizer, and of course we have Merck. Merck was on the sidelines on this. Nobody was looking at them, but we had polio vaccine lawsuits. There were some very important polio vaccine lawsuits, and of course DPT.

So what do the manufacturers do? They say ‘We’re going to leave the country without any vaccine.’ And Congress said, ‘We’ve got to protect the vaccine supply in this country.’

And they said to Jeff [Schwartz], ‘You can come to the table and fight for what you think the parents and the children should get, or you can not come to the table, but we’re going to pass this legislation to protect the vaccine supply, and we’re going to do it with or without you.’

We had to fight for what we thought the children and the parents should get, and we tried our best, coming up against the government, the administration. This is 1982. From the very beginning … they were going to protect the vaccine supply … So we said we’ll come to the table, but there is three things.

We will never agree to complete liability protection for doctors or for manufacturers. No. 2, if you’re going to protect the vaccine supply, you have to protect the children by safety provisions … Equal emphasis. And third … if there’s going to be a federal compensation program, it has to be an alternative to a lawsuit.

In other words, parents can choose to either go to court or they can choose to get compensation … [and] if there’s a compensation program, it has to be fair, expedited, less traumatic, less expensive, more predictable than a court.

And remember, back then, doctors weren’t keeping records. They were giving kids shots, they weren’t even saying what manufacturer it was. If you couldn’t prove what manufacturer it was, you couldn’t sue them. Same with doctors. They were destroying medical records and you could never prove that the vaccine was given that day, and the kid had those reactions. Records were disappearing all over the place.

They weren’t reporting reactions. There was two ways to report. Public health clinics reported to the CDC, private doctors reported to the FDA. Manufacturers are supposed to report to the FDA. So we said ‘You’ve got to centralize the reporting system. You’ve got to make it open and transparent so parents can report too.

You’ve got to have a safety part of this law, and the compensation has to work properly, because if the compensation system doesn’t work properly, you put no pressure on the companies. Keep the liability for the companies because then it forces them to make a better [product].’”

Blaming the Victims

By 1984, after two years of negotiations, the original bill, S. 2117, was introduced. It was written by Schwartz and the AAP. It contained all the things demanded by the NVIC and did not provide liability protection for the companies or the doctors.

All the safety provisions were in there, including the requirement for true informed consent in the form of a 15-page parent booklet that described the disease and possible complications thereof, as well as the potential complications for each vaccine. Fisher participated in the writing of that original parent information booklet. After the bill was passed, that booklet was boiled down to a single page.

“So, we’re in ’82, ’83, ’84. What did the companies start doing? Wyeth says, ‘We’re dropping out. We’re not going to make any more pertussis vaccine.’ Causes a vaccine shortage. They go to Congress. ‘You need to protect us from liability.’

It was brought out in hearings on Capitol Hill that all three manufacturers are manufacturing this vaccine [but] Connaught is stockpiling it. Wyeth is selling it to Lederle, and Lederle is distributing it for Wyeth. Connaught made it very clear that they will not distribute what they have until the Congress passes legislation absolving them of all financial liability for vaccine damage.

Then we got whooping cough outbreaks, [which were blamed on] parents complaining about this vaccine … They start to raise their prices. At one point it was like a 10,000% price increase on pertussis vaccine. They did everything to put pressure [on Congress], the media carried the stories and everybody blamed us.

What happened was that we broke with the AAP over this issue … because they put out a press release saying that eight states had whooping cough epidemics. This is in ’85. And it was all because of this false information being put out about pertussis vaccine risks …

I did an investigation. I contacted the health departments of the states and asked them for their cases, which cases were lab confirmed, which were fluorescent antibody confirmed, which were epidemiologically linked, and I did a full report. And I realized that over half of the people were vaccinated; that we had a problem with the effectiveness of this vaccine, not just the safety of the vaccine.

Well, they were furious. And the other thing was, ‘DPT: A Shot in the Dark’ was published in December 1984, and we had a big press conference on Capitol Hill in February 1985 … which was another shot across the bow.

I mean, it was the first time anyone had really documented and made the argument that the mandatory vaccination system was broken and that this vaccine was very dangerous and had been allowed to not be improved for all these years.”

The Betrayal

So, by the mid-1980s, “DPT: A Shot in the Dark” was causing public outrage, vaccine manufacturers were fighting lawsuits brought by the vaccine injured, the price of DPT vaccines were skyrocketing, there were vaccine shortages, whooping cough epidemics were flourishing, and bills were being rewritten.

When the break with the AAP happened in 1985, congressman Henry Waxman, who had initially fought for the rights of parents and railed against government guaranteeing profits to the drug industry, suddenly put forth a bill that granted vaccine makers immunity against lawsuits provided they complied with FDA standards, eliminated most of the original safety provisions, and restricted compensation.

“The drug manufacturers loved it. We opposed it. Jeff said it does more to protect the drug company bottom line than it does to protect health of children.

We also did an investigation into what the drug companies were telling the Securities and Exchange Commission about their liability problems versus what they were telling Congress and the public and the media, and we found that they were telling the Securities and Exchange Commission that they had no problems with these lawsuits, that it wasn’t materially affecting them.

So they were crying liability all the way to the bank, is what they were doing. And so we continued to come up against this opposition on this bill in the various incarnations, by the administration, the drug companies, and now the AAP was not playing well in the sandbox. So when Waxman did this and we blasted him, all of a sudden everybody said, wait a minute, this is all going south, we’ve got to do something.

And so they went back [and] created legislation that had a lot of the stuff that we wanted. The clock was ticking, and a bill was put together that we were able to support.

We had to give up some things, but we never agreed to full liability protection for the doctors or for the manufacturers. But we could not get past the administration. The administration refused. And the person who held it up the longest was attorney general Ed Meese from Justice.

He didn’t want any lawsuits. The whole thing was about no lawsuits. They didn’t want anybody to be able to sue manufacturers for vaccine injuries and deaths.

The argument that was made by the manufacturers from the very beginning was, ‘The FDA licenses the vaccine as safe and effective. The CDC recommends the vaccine for universal use by all children. The states mandate the vaccine for school entry. We should not be liable for vaccine injuries and deaths.’ And they never gave that up. And they never have.”

The NCVIA Was Gutted as Soon as It Was Passed

Read Further in the PDF https://oh17.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/1986-the-untold-story-pdf.pdf